Friday, 28 August 2026

The Mammoth Task of Building Something Bigger Than You: ASJI a year and 2 months later by Lindokuhle Mponco

Taking on something bigger than yourself is no small thing. I should know—because on 22 June 2025, the Azanian Social Justice Initiative started as nothing more than a spark. And even now, over a year later, it’s still taking shape. That’s not just a technicality; it really matters.


People love to glamorize starting something new, a movement, a group, an organization. From outside, it looks like the hard part is having the original idea: spotting what’s wrong, dreaming up an alternative, and giving it a name. But honestly? The idea comes easy. It’s everything after the “Aha!” moment that’ll test who you are. Turning an idea into something concrete; that’s the real struggle. How do you shape a group, and then shape it into an institution? How do you make something that won’t fall apart when the founder steps away? I’ve run up against those questions ever since I started this thing. ASJI was never meant to just float around and fill up space. From the beginning, the plan was way bigger: to actually shift how people in Azania think, organize, and dream. That’s an enormous goal. I didn’t realize quite how enormous at the start. The gap between imagining something and actually building it is huge. Ideas don’t cost much: just some imagination and conversation. Institutions need much more—they need rules, systems, money, education, accountability, people, the works.


That’s been one of the toughest lessons. You can picture what something might be. But trying to build the clockwork that actually makes it run? Way harder. Most of that slog goes unseen—drafting and re-drafting documents, stressing over structures, coming up with political stances, obsessing about education plans and the right people, all before there’s much to show for it. Sometimes you’re prepping branches before you’ve even got branches. Or designing a national framework when there aren’t enough folks yet to fill it out. You’re laying groundwork, and at times it feels like busywork. But that’s how institutions are made: you don’t see the foundation until the building stands. But big dreams bring their own headaches. If all we wanted was another civil society group, it’d still be tricky. But we want to shift what’s possible in Azania. You can’t approach that kind of task and cut corners. History tests organizations, a group that wants real influence has to survive the storms. Internal fights, cash crunches, moments when everyone’s excited or everyone’s discouraged, you have to build for all of it.


And more than anything, it comes down to people. All the pretty documents, all the online presence, it comes down to folks who connect around an idea and decide, together, to keep going. That’s the hardest, and the most important, part. I won’t lie. The journey hasn’t gone in a straight line. Some months, things flew — ideas, plans, all of it coming together. Other times, everything just dragged. Stuff happens. Life intervenes. Sometimes the sheer scale just hits you. Or you simply need a break. That can get demoralizing. When you can already see in your head what it’s supposed to look like, any pause feels like failure. You stare at the unfinished parts and wonder if you’re actually getting anywhere. Comparing the dream with the reality, that gap can feel like a punch. But I’ve learned that a stop isn’t always surrender. Sometimes you need to hit pause, but the test is whether you come back to the work.


One of my worst pauses didn’t come from burnout or practicalities, it came from getting mugged. It wasn’t just my own loss; so much of this project lives on devices, in accounts. Suddenly, I was cut off. Everything slowed down. Access, communication, momentum, gone, just like that. Losing your digital toolkit is its own kind of heartbreak when you’re trying to build something. It threw me off. Work I had finally gotten moving, I couldn’t keep up. For a while, I honestly thought that months of effort had just evaporated. But that’s reality. We love to talk about perseverance like it’s this superhero trait. But life’s messy. People get robbed. People fail. Plans fall apart. Sometimes, what you have to do is just start over. It’s not about avoiding problems, it’s about what you do when they land. There’s this line from Trotsky that’s stuck with me through all of this: “Life is not an easy matter… You cannot live through it without falling into frustration and cynicism unless you have before you a great idea which raises you above personal misery…”


I’ve thought about that, especially when nothing was going right—after the mugging, during slow periods, when obstacles felt endless. You need something big enough to pull you out of the day-to-day misery, something that’s worth showing up for. Of course, frustration is easier, cynicism is easier, quitting is easier. It’s easy to tell yourself people won’t care, the project’s too difficult, the world’s not ready. No idea makes all that vanish. But a powerful idea gives you a reason to face it. For me, that’s why I keep coming back to ASJI. At this point, it’s bigger than any setback. The vision’s more important than my irritation or exhaustion.


But I’ve had to learn something else, too. If ASJI’s going to be what it’s meant to be, it can’t just be my thing. That’s a tough pill to swallow. I poured myself into it, every line written, every plan hashed out. So, sure, it’s easy to feel wrapped up in it. But building real institutions means letting go. The project’s true test is if it outgrows me. If someday, ASJI can thrive without me at the center, that’s not a loss. That’s victory. That’s how you build institutions, not personality cults. And we’re not there yet. It’s easy to get overwhelmed thinking about how far we still have to go—growing our base, building real structures, making political education central, turning the founding congress from dream to reality, grounding our constitution in daily practice. Turning ideas into actual action. There’s still a massive amount of work ahead.


But maybe that’s exactly why I should see progress differently. You can’t expect a one-year-old project to behave like it’s been around for generations. Better to ask: are we laying the groundwork? Yes. Every draft. Every hard conversation. Every person who gets what we’re about. Every mistake, every pause, that’s all learning, all part of the foundation. Looking back, I don’t see a neat story. It’s been messy. Stops and starts. Clarity and confusion. Hard work and forced breaks, even dramatic ones, like getting mugged and losing all my access. But beyond all the interruptions, there’s one thing I’m proud of: persistence. We picked up again. The idea lived. The vision stayed.


Maybe that’s what Trotsky meant, life’s never short on reasons to be bitter or cynical. Challenges are a guarantee. But with something worth building, you get some perspective. For me, ASJI is turning into one of those things. Not because it’s sure to win, not because the way forward’s all mapped out. But because I believe it’s possible to make something lasting, something that raises up people and reshapes the politics of this place. That’s the mammoth task, and yeah, the big lesson from these fourteen months is that trying to build something bigger than yourself means you’ll have to pick up the pieces and start over, more than once. You restart. You recover. You learn. You keep going, even, maybe especially,  when the progress is invisible. What do I have to show for it today? Not a finished institution —just the beginning of one. And that matters.


So, the work goes on. Not because it’s easy or smooth. But because hard things are the ones that matter. Not because everything’s gone to plan, but because challenges and setbacks don’t get the final say. Not because the future’s certain, but because the idea’s worth it. And when things get rough, I go back to that line: you need a big idea to rise above the mess. For now, for me, that’s ASJI. And the work isn’t finished. We’re still building.

Wednesday, 12 August 2026

Fort Hare’s Unfinished Crisis: The Fight for Student Democracy by Lindokuhle Mponco


You can’t really grasp what’s happening at the University of Fort Hare right now if you see the protest as just about maintenance issues, NSFAS, accommodation, or unpaid student allowances. Those matter, but they’re not the spark that set off this round of protest. The real heart of it is the Student Governance Constitution (SGC) and what it means for student democracy. It comes down to a pretty basic question: Who gets to make the rules for student governance at Fort Hare? The students themselves, or the university administration?


The Struggle That Still Isn’t Over: 2025


To see why this is blowing up again, you have to roll back to October and November 2025. The protests back then were fired up by a bunch of demands: holding SRC elections, re-forming the Institutional Student Parliament (ISP), fixing student funding, infrastructure, accommodation, and general service-delivery failures. But at the core, students were fighting for a say in their own governance. Students didn’t just accept the creation of an interim SRC while the SGC was being changed. They pushed back because they didn’t want an unelected group setting the rules for student democracy.


Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Higher Education eventually stepped in. They saw the mess; no SRC elections, an interim SRC without a proper mandate, and called it out as part of the crisis. The Committee told the university to review the SGC with real student input, and to make SRC elections transparent. So what’s happening with the SGC now? It’s not a new problem. It’s the same fight from 2025, still unresolved.


From Protest to Fixing the Institution


Yeah, the violence and destruction that happened in October was wrong. Breaking down campus buildings hurts students most, and everyone around Fort Hare. But just condemning the destruction misses the point. If you ignore the reasons people are angry, the crisis won’t go away. That’s why the Portfolio Committee and DHET got involved. Fort Hare was in an institutional crisis. They met with Council, management, students, and labor and called for a plan to actually rebuild the university.

Fixing things isn’t just about patching up buildings; it’s about fixing governance, rebuilding trust, and making sure students, workers, management, and Council can operate together in structures people respect.


Council and the Crisis That Still Lingers


During the 2025 crisis, Ms Kuselwa Marala was the Interim Chair of Council, and Prof Judith Favish was Interim Deputy Chair. They were part of university leadership during the interventions. Later, they left those temporary posts. Dr Siyanda Makaula took over as Council Chair, and Dr Yoliswa Mancotywa followed as Deputy. Marala and Favish stayed on the Council, just not at the helm. This isn’t just about who’s in charge. The leadership shifted around, but a lot of the reasons for the crisis in 2025 are still there.


SGC Is at the Center of Everything


You can’t just talk about the SGC in isolation from everything else students are dealing with. Lots of first-time and returning students are still fighting to get funding sorted out. NSFAS and GAP investigations only add more confusion. Accommodation is still a headache, infrastructure’s failing, and basic maintenance keeps being delayed on both campuses. These are real, material problems.

If you don’t have funding, you might not be able to register, eat, travel, or keep your room. If your residence is falling apart, studying isn’t easy. And without real student representation, it’s hard to push the university to sort these problems out. Democracy and service delivery are linked. The SGC is about the political framework that lets students actually organize and fight for better living and studying conditions.


Seeing the Larger Picture


Historical materialism helps you realize these issues are all tied together, they’re not just random complaints. Fort Hare serves a lot of working-class and poor students who need public education, financial aid, and decent accommodation. The university, meanwhile, has its own bureaucracy, limited resources, and its own interests. Those interests don’t always line up with what students need. And that’s where the struggle comes in.

The right response isn’t pointless bureaucracy or just tearing things down. Students should be militant—but organized. Radical, but strategic. Ready to fight but careful to protect the school and resources they rely on.


SASCO and YBMM

This is why you also have to look at what SASCO and YBMM are doing in East London. The issue isn’t about whether every member is “reactionary.” The real question is what are these organizations actually doing? If they block real student action for democratic governance without coming up with a solid alternative for fixing the SGC, funding, infrastructure, and accommodation, then they end up just preserving the status quo. That’s what reactionary politics looks like. Students need to beat that through political education, organizing, and democratic action. Not through personal attacks.


The Haniist-Bikoist Mission


EFF Youth Command? Fort Hare ought to be a center for political education. Students should dig into what the SGC, SRC, ISP, Council, NSFAS, budgets, and decision-making at the university actually mean. This is where Scientific Socialism with Afrocentric Characteristics — Haniism-Bikoism — steps in. Marxism brings in historical materialism and class analysis. Leninism steers organization and discipline. Trotsky helps you link the immediate struggles to transforming the system. Haniism; after Chris Hani; focuses on mass politics, working-class unity, and socialism in a South African context. Bikoism adds African pride, awareness, and liberation. The aim? Turn spontaneous anger into real, organized political action.


From Protest to Real Power

The biggest lesson from October 2025 is that protest on its own isn’t enough. Right now, the fight needs to push for a truly democratic SGC, real SRC elections, a working ISP, solutions for student funding, fair GAP investigations, solid NSFAS administration, reliable infrastructure, livable residences, and institutional accountability.

And, sure, those responsible for the violence must answer for it. What happened during the 2025 chaos has to be investigated based on evidence not hearsay. Fort Hare needs more than patched-up walls; it needs a democratic rebuild. The SGC isn’t just a bureaucratic paper; it’s about who has power. So it’s on revolutionary students to understand, organize, teach, mobilize, and win. That’s how Fort Hare’s unfinished fight in 2025 can become a real movement to remake the university as a center for true student democracy.

Monday, 3 August 2026

The conditions of young people in the CBD of KuGompo City by Lindokuhle Mponco


Walk through the CBD of KuGompo today and ask yourself one question: is this what freedom was supposed to look like? Young people sleeping in abandoned buildings. Young men smoking nyaope before sunrise. Graduates sitting on pavements with CVs nobody will read. Sewage flowing through the streets like it is part of the town’s natural infrastructure. Potholes big enough to damage taxis, businesses collapsing, and police vans driving around after everything has already fallen apart.

This is not “normal”. This is social collapse. South Africa now has one of the highest unemployment rates in the world. According to Statistics South Africa, youth unemployment for people between 15–34 rose to 46.1% in early 2025, with millions of young people completely excluded from the economy. In reality, many communities know the real number feels much higher. The CBD of KuGompo has become a waiting room for hopelessness. And the worst part? Society has started acting like this is just how young black people are supposed to live.


UbuPhara: The Language of Abandonment

People love insulting young people in the streets. They call them “amaphara”, criminals, junkies and failures. But nobody asks: what created UbuPhara in the first place? Nobody is born wanting to sleep in shop doorways or sniff substances just to survive another day. These conditions are created by poverty, unemployment and social abandonment. When a young person spends years without work, without opportunities and without dignity, society should not be shocked when destruction follows.

Drug abuse in the CBD is no longer hidden. It is visible everywhere. Some young people are using drugs not because they are “evil”, but because hopelessness itself becomes addictive. Escaping reality becomes easier than living in it. Under capitalism, poor youth are treated like rubbish until they become a “crime problem”. Then suddenly politicians want law enforcement and media cameras. But policing poverty is not solving poverty. A young person cannot smoke a CV and become employed.

Crime and Unemployment Are Twins

South Africa’s official unemployment rate reached 32.9% in 2025, while the expanded unemployment rate — which includes discouraged work seekers — climbed above 43%. That means almost half the country is either unemployed or has given up looking for work. In the Eastern Cape, the situation is even worse. The province consistently records some of the highest unemployment figures in the country.

Now think about KuGompo. How many young people wake up every morning with nowhere to go? How many graduates are sitting at home while politically connected people get jobs through corruption and patronage? How many young people survive through gambling, hustling, crime or exploitation because the formal economy has locked them out? Then politicians act surprised when crime increases. Crime is not simply a policing issue. It is an economic issue. A society that refuses to give young people work should never act shocked when survival becomes violent.


The CBD Is Falling Apart

KuGompo’s infrastructure tells its own story. The roads are collapsing. Sewage spills remain unattended for weeks. Streetlights do not work. Public spaces are neglected. Entire sections of the CBD feel abandoned after dark. This is what municipal failure looks like in real life. And it is working-class communities who suffer the most. The rich can move to gated suburbs, drive expensive cars and avoid public infrastructure altogether. The poor cannot escape collapsing municipalities. Infrastructure is political. A city that cannot maintain roads, sanitation and public safety is a city that has stopped caring about its people.

The question young people must ask is simple:

Where is the money going?

Because it certainly is not going into fixing the city.

Haniism-Bikoism: A Different Future

Young people are constantly told there is no alternative. That corruption, unemployment and decay are just “South African problems”. That is a lie. What KuGompo needs is a new political direction rooted in Scientific Socialism with Afrocentric Characteristics — what we may call Haniism-Bikoism. This means combining the revolutionary socialism of Chris Hani with the black consciousness and psychological liberation taught by Steve Biko.

It means understanding that black working-class communities deserve dignity, jobs, housing and democratic power. Imagine if municipalities employed young people directly to:

  • repair roads,

  • clean communities,

  • fix sewage systems,

  • renovate abandoned buildings,

  • build public housing,

  • establish youth cooperatives,

  • and run rehabilitation centres.

Imagine if public money served communities instead of tenders. That is Municipal Socialism. Not slogans. Real material change.

Register to Vote — Or Accept More Decay

Many young people say voting changes nothing. But refusing to participate while corrupt politicians continue governing changes even less. Elections alone will never liberate the working class. Real change requires organisation, political education and mass struggle. But voting remains an important weapon. At local government level, ideology matters.

Who controls municipalities determines:

  • where money goes,

  • who gets jobs,

  • which communities develop,

  • and whether public resources serve people or politically connected elites.

The Economic Freedom Fighters remains the most credible socialist-oriented political alternative capable of laying the foundations for Municipal Socialism in South Africa. The coming local government elections are not simply about councillors. They are about deciding whether cities like KuGompo continue collapsing or begin rebuilding around the needs of the working class. Because if young people do not shape the future politically, they will continue suffering economically.

And the truth is painful:

A society that abandons its youth is already dying.


EFFYC-Led SRC at Fort Hare: Registration, Student Governance, and an Institution in Turmoil Part One of Five: The Registration Struggle By Lindokuhle Mponco

To really grasp the impact of the EFF Youth Command (EFFYC)-led Student Representative Council (SRC) at the University of Fort Hare, you hav...